Tag Archives: Conflict

CONFLICT REPORTING: What role do we have in conflict and peace-building? Frankly, none. Notes from a recent talk.

It’s been twenty seven years since the world saw the first televised conflict in the form of US-led Operation Desert Storm against Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein.

With that began the phase when governments utilised the power of the visual medium to ‘shock and awe’ the opposing side.

desrty storm
POST OP DESERT STORM: U.S. Army Gen. Norman H. Schwarzkopf, commander of U.S. Central Command, arrives by helicopter at a desert command to visit with U.S. and international troops during Operation Desert Shield, April 1, 1992. Courtesy: Department of Defense, US

Terrorists too picked up on it. 9/11 remains its biggest example.

What was common however was the fact that media houses remained the gatekeepers. Whether to air or not, how much to air and what not to – these were decisions journalists made.

Today, the gatekeeper is nearly jobless.

When not owning media, governments own social media feed.

Terrorists too drop a message on a chat app or upload a video on a video-sharing site. The job’s done. Who needs journalists any longer!

Good news or bad news?

Good, if you ask me.

We are no longer required to run after the authorities for bites, data, images and the like. Unless you prefer walking with your eyes closed, there are bigger issues to tackle, inconvenient truth to uncover, propaganda to defeat, fake news to bust and that old school reportage is always there for those who seek.

Next question – are we seeing this form of journalism around us, in India? In a hall full of aspiring media professionals and veterans, not a single person said yes.

These are some of the inconvenient truths I gathered from editors I’ve had the chance to work with:

  • Let us not take on/question our armed forces (it ostensibly lowers their morale)
  • Do not cover/talk to Maoist insurgents – they are terrorists
  • Stories of Maoist violence are not sexy enough there are massive casualties
  • Celebrate surgical strikes but don’t question why are matters slipping away so rapidly
Maoist insurgents in central India have sustained their violent campaign against the state for over seven decades

Let me tell you something about the Maoists of India who’ve managed to create an insurgency that predates our independence. To recruit they rely on issues like mining, displacement, denuding of forests, police atrocities – how often and in what manner do we report on them?

Did anyone in the audience remember seeing an Indian news television report on the subjects mentioned above? No one was sure.

My next question to them was whether they’d seen a tribal affairs correspondent in any of the major news channels? Or if they’d seen reporters based out of conflict-ridden areas of Odisha, Chhattisgarh or north eastern states? Hardly anyone offered a word.

Conflicts are spells – sometimes long sometimes short. But if journalists look at covering them as an aberration then credibility is the price.

Last year, World Press Freedom ranked India 136th among 180 nations. To put things in perspective, between 2016 and 2017, India slipped three positions and moved closer to Pakistan (139). Our neighbours, Bhutan (84) and Nepal (100) are miles ahead.

By the way, this World Press Freedom report was prepared before the pre-meditated murder of Bengaluru-based journalist and proprietor Gauri Lankesh.

India has progressed when it comes to ease of obstructing journalists.

Any talk about doing journalism in these times in this country, of course, cannot be complete without reminding the reader what India’s premier anti-terror investigation agency, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) holds as the definition of journalism – covering developmental activity of any government department or inauguration of a hospital or a school or statement of any political party in power – this and more found its way into a charge sheet NIA filed before a court a few weeks ago (http://indianexpress.com/article/india/moral-duty-of-a-real-journalist-is-to-cover-govt-development-activity-nia-kamran-yusuf-arrest-5065841/)

Lastly, what role does the media have when it comes to reporting on conflict and peace-building?

Frankly, none.

So what should drive our coverage? Truth and public interest, to my mind.

Governments, parties in power and several institutions talk of media as their force multiplier. Is that justified?

Take for instance the case of American security contractor Edward Snowden. Championed world over for taking on the secretive National Security Agency which was collecting data on millions of innocent individuals, he is an offender when it comes to the USA. Syed Saleem Shehzad who exposed the grip that jihadists held on institutions of Pakistan military was hailed as a daring, investigative journalist. However, the intelligence agencies in Pakistan did not think so. They are accused of in fact having a hand in his killing.

What Snowden did is seen differently, depending on which side of the divide you are

Media was seen as a force multiplier by those in the Bush administration who were trying to convince the American public about the merits of invading Iraq for Saddam’s connections with Al Qaida and Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) – both of which remain unproven to this day. Many journalists who did their bidding are even today busy apologizing for that.

Of course over 2,88,000 individuals who died a violent death in Iraq since the American invasion never got the chance.

(Notes from a lecture I delivered at GD Goenka University, Gurugram in March 2018)


#StateOfPlay: Celebrating surgical strikes? No thanks.

By Jugal R Purohit

Speaking at Bilaspur in Himachal Pradesh on Tuesday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi lauded the media for its coverage of the first anniversary of the surgical strikes. These strikes were conducted in the aftermath of the Uri camp attack which led to the death of 18 army personnel on September 18 last year.

Incidentally, even as the PM was speaking, security personnel in Srinagar were responding to a boisterous attempt by three terrorists to script another Uri-like attack. They targeted the battalion headquarters of the Border Security Force (BSF) where close to 200 personnel and their families were present.

In the year gone by, several such attempts have been made by the terrorists. The surgical strikes, one can say, have neither deterred them nor their Pakistan-based handlers.

Yet none of this came in the way of ‘celebrating’ the operation.

Did anyone ask if all measures to prevent such Uri-like camp intrusions had been implemented? If yes, why are they still taking place? If they haven’t been implemented then why so?

These strikes were meant to be yet another option in deterring Pakistan from aiding and abetting terrorism in Kashmir. What are the other options? How have we implemented them? What happened to the question of delivering better governance in the state which to my mind is the biggest step in coming closer to solving quagmire?

For one, Delhi claims it has refined the counter-terror mechanism in Kashmir because of which it has achieved more terrorist kills in comparison to previous years. Adding to the argument, those on the ground insist the present year is a calmer one (167 violent incidents recorded till June 30, 2017) coming after 322 recorded incidents – highest in the last five years – in 2016. A senior officer in Srinagar reasoned, “We are controlling better, more tightly than before.”

Along the Line of Control (LoC), the surgical strikes were followed by a severe intensification of cross-LoC firing. The 449 ceasefire violations in 2016, bulk of which were recorded in the aftermath of the surgical strikes, consumed the lives of seven security personnel (not to speak of those 29,000 who had been temporarily displaced or the civilians who’ve been hit, killed or lost property). Interestingly, if you are to keep the casualties in the months of October and November of last year aside, data between April 2016 and March 2017 shows India only lost two service personnel in the firing.

But this isn’t all that happened.

A PRS Legislative Research Jammu and Kashmir Budget analysis of 2017-18 tells us that investment in the state which amounted for Rs 4866 crore from 2009-10 to 2014-15, averaging Rs 973 crore a year, slowed down to Rs 267 crore in 2015-16. What does that mean on the ground? Rate of unemployment for persons between 18-29 years of age in the state hovered at 24.6 per cent when the national average was 13.2 per cent. Among persons between 15-17 years of age, it was at 57.7 per cent when the corresponding national average was 19.8 per cent.


State’s Finance Minister Haseeb A Drabu, on January 11, 2017, made an insightful comment when he said, “Unemployment is a social issue of serious magnitude in the state. Even as the rate of unemployment is supposed to be very high in the state, we do not have actual figures” (http://jakfinance.nic.in/Budget17/speechEng.pdf)


In J&K, when comparing the average growth between 2005-10 and 2010-15, a decline is seen from 5.8 per cent to 4.5 per cent. In agriculture (which employs 64 per cent of the population and contributes 22 per cent to the economy), manufacturing (employs 11 per cent and contributes 25 per cent) and services (employs 25 per cent and contributes 53 per cent), the current levels of growth pale when compared to the growth in 2005-10. (http://www.prsindia.org/administrator/uploads/general/1464866443_Jammu%20and%20Kashmir%20Budget%20Analysis%202016-17.pdf)


Two recent news reports from Srinagar caught my eye.

The Indian Express reported on October 4 that ‘schools, especially higher secondary ones, have been open for a little more than hundred days throughout the 11-month session so far. It is the second consecutive year that schools in the valley have remained shut for most part of the academic session’.  Day after, Hindustan Times quoted, ‘Combined cases of drug abuse and related psychological issues also went up from more than 14,500 cases in 2014 to 33,222 in 2016, a staggering 130% increase in two years. This year till April alone, this number is 13,352’.

Did Delhi and Srinagar face any questions over this?

When I tried finding out a voice on the ground to understand the human story from these numbers, I bumped into Muneeb Mir (37), a businessman operating from Pampore. He said, “We see the iron fist of the government, we see a return to the cordon and search approach we thought we had last seen in the 90s. We understand it helps the rightist agenda of the government to be seen as muscular but what really worries us is this – earlier the narrative of the government was one thing and the narrative of the people the other. Today that line has blurred and this dominating rightist narrative worries us.”

Speaking of anniversaries, it was in October 1947 that Jammu and Kashmir’s erstwhile ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the instrument of accession, paving the way for the state to become a part of India. An undated letter written by Jawaharlal Nehru to Hari Singh published in Ramachandra Guha’s seminal ‘India After Gandhi’ carried the following text:

“Even if military forces held Kashmir for a while, a later consequence might be a strong reaction against this. Essentially, therefore, this is a problem of psychological approach to the mass of the people and of making them feel they will be benefited by being in the Indian Union. If the average Muslim feels that he has no safe or secure place in the Union, then obviously he will look elsewhere. Our basic policy must keep this in view, or else we fail”.

So, what happened?




Born inside the Union Home Ministry, I am SOP and here’s my story…

My name is Standard Operating Procedure. You can call me SOP.

You will hear about me whenever something goes terribly wrong or a tragedy strikes. Many carry the impression that my tribe is the cure to all ills.

Now I am not simply called SOP. That’s too generic. I have a special number assigned on file but mentioning that may make matters too technical.

Well, I was born as a two-page letter on August 3, 2010, at the hands of a clerk who worked for the then special secretary (internal security) Mr UK Bansal. In my early moments, I recall Mr Bansal sending me from his chamber located on the first floor of the North Block which houses the ministry of home affairs (MHA) to the headquarters of the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) like the CRPF, Border Security Force (BSF) and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP).

Why was I created and what was the message I carried?

Back in 2010, home minister Mr P Chidambaram was said to be serious in securing the Left-wing extremism (LWE)-affected areas. These were sizeable parts of central and eastern India where rebels from the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) were wreaking havoc. Once when I was lying on the desk at an office I heard how four months before I was born, Maoist rebels killed 75 men from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and one policeman in a single attack in Chhattisgarh’s Dantewada district!


The government’s efforts however hit a roadblock when they realised that the local police forces in their states had neither the training nor the numbers to take on the Maoist insurgents who called the jungle their home. So, till the police could build themselves up, the CAPFs would help them with numbers and fire power. It was to be a partnership.

As time passed, Mr Bansal, a 1974-batch Indian Police Service (IPS) officer from the Uttar Pradesh cadre, wasn’t very happy about how this partnership was progressing. The CAPFs, which did not belong there, did not know the region or for that matter even the local language, felt like foreigners. The local police on the other hand did not suffer these disadvantages but they did not participate enough. The Maoists exploited this. They killed many of our men.

On my two pages, Mr Bansal had written that for every one policeman participating in an operation, two men from CAPFs would do so too, thus maintaining a ratio of 1:2. He revised it to 1:3 later for “any planned operation”. Only in case of an urgent operation could reduced police participation be allowed. You see the point he was making?

Have you wondered how many policemen participated in the “planned” operations to support road construction in Bhejji on March 11 and in Burkapal on April 24 where the CRPF lost 37 men? Two constables in Bhejji and one in Burkapal! This despite the MHA recently stating that there are “over 20,000 state police personnel” and “45,000 central forces personnel” posted in there.

People in power have no idea about my existence.

When journalist Jugal Purohit went about asking, here is what he found:

– Abhishek Meena, Superintendent of Police, Sukma: No such guidelines exist and no such guidelines can be adhered to.

– DM Awasthi, Special Director General of Police, Chhattisgarh: Such instructions can’t be followed.

– Sudeep Lakhtakia, Additional Director General, CRPF: I will have to check up.

– K Vijay Kumar, senior security adviser, MHA: You cannot have such rigidity.

– The spokesperson of the MHA did not offer any explanation.

This is my reality.

Someone sitting removed from the actual situation thought about me and pushed me down the throats of others who had their own ideas. Then when something went wrong, newer people came together and created newer SOPs. Lessons were seldom learnt. I remain forgotten.

CRPF personnel killed when the Maoists detonated a landmine under the truck they were moving in. March 30, 2016 MAILAWADA in DANTEWADA DISTRICT. IMAGE SOURCE: Author 

Contrast this with our enemy who bears the name of a foreigner who died more than 40 years ago. That enemy deploys his tactics and remains guided by his doctrine even today. He hasn’t forgotten.



Exactly a month to the ‘historic’ framework, my notes from #Nagaland

One late afternoon tweet by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 3, asking citizens to await a historic development later in the day set the cats among the pigeons. The day ended with the government of India committing to a framework agreement to bring peace to a state that has suffered from violence for nearly six decades.

At the earliest available opportunity, I took off for Dimapur, the dusty, commercial valley which has the state’s only functional airport.

For the uninitiated, several sections of the Naga society celebrate “Independence Day” on August 14, a tradition followed since 1947 when Angami Zapu Phizo, the man who fought side by side with Subhash Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) against the British, declared so. He was then leading the Naga National Council (NNC), a body formed in the days preceding British withdrawal from the sub-continent.

On August 14, I saw for myself the “69th Independence Day” function of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) (NSCN(IM)) at its Council HQ or Camp Hebron. It is with this group, said to be the most powerful insurgent outfit in the state, that the government has signed the framework. No wonder there was enthusiasm. Young men in army fatigues sported the look most in their age would crave for, women turned up in their traditional best and many expatriates too were present.

Among them was Rachunliu Kamei, a PhD fellow with the London-based Natural History Museum. Thanks to the shadow of conflict, her father had to shift her to Nagaland from Manipur. She then had to shift out of there too so she could get to where she was today. “I do desire for a day when our young can focus on development, away from conflict which forced a challenged childhood upon people of my generation,” she said. In Kohima, I met Akhala, a young girl from the northern Naga district of Mokokchung. She was staying away from her parents to study so that she could become an Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer and “repair” her society. Even in Khonoma, Phizo’s village and the hub of resistance, be it against the Indian Army or the British in the bygone era, it was not too difficult to find youngsters wanting to diversify into eco-tourism, conservation and the like.

Why so?

As noted human rights activist Neingulo Krome put it, 18 years of relative peace in the post-ceasefire era following 1997 have offered a glimpse of the possibilities that could materialise provided peace prevailed.

Would it be right to say the Nagas have been tired into submission? Well, nothing could be further from the truth.

Young or old, Nagas value their past – their identity. Work towards obliterating that and there will be a rebound. As Thino Selie, a self-styled “General” of the “Naga Army” who underwent training in East Pakistan and China in the early days of the insurgency, said, “Our movement in the early 50s was political till we saw killings and rapes. It was the youth who grew agitated and forced upon the movement the need to raise a fighting arm with which began the insurgency.”

A solution has to be found where peace and honour arrive, hand in hand. We’ve been there before and the temptation to give into the shorter route can seldom vanish. The failed Shillong Accord of 1975, creation of the Nagaland state in 1963 and even before so the creation of Naga Hills district to somehow calm things down hasn’t helped.

While we are still exploring avenues, it may not be a bad idea to look back, deeper into history, into the periods of relative peace that the Nagas enjoyed.

One such instance was in the 13th century when the Ahoms, who entered the Naga Hills from the Patkai range of Myanmar in search of salt mines, ran into a savage conflict with the original inhabitants there. History records calm prevailed after a political settlement was arrived at – one which saw a degree of self rule and respect for either side. Similarly, the British too, after having burnt their fingers fighting the Nagas in the late 19th century, vowed to pursue the policy of “non-intervention”. While that turned into a “Forward Policy” of incrementally gaining ground with time, it came at the cost of precious lives and yet most of the territory remained un-administered.

A time-tested principle of yesteryears coupled with the economic integration of today will be welcomed at least by the young, if no one else.

Standing in front of a closed door in his ancestral village of Khonoma, Mhesie Khate made to me perhaps the most important symbolic argument in my tour of Nagaland.

“When I was a child, August 14 used to be a very important day. All shops would be closed because families would meet and there would be feasts in almost every household,” he said. In his mid-30s now, Mhesie who owns a fleet of cars for rent, zoomed onto the present: “Now, no such thing happens on August 14 and on August 15, people prefer to close shops and relax at home. It is slipping away, that feeling is.”

NAXAL TAPES I & II: Entire Headlines Today & Mail Today expose here. Please read, view and comment

Three years after the Dantewada massacre, in which 76 security personnel were ambushed and killed by Maoists in the Tadmetla forest, the horror of the attack remains largely buried in the classified files with the authorities. Mail Today accessed the inquiry report prepared by retired director general of the Border Security Force (BSF) E.N. Rammohan on the instruction of the ministry of home affairs.

Appeared in the Mail Today newspaper on April 3, 2013
Appeared in the Mail Today newspaper on April 3, 2013

The report highlights the lapses on part of the Central Reserve Paramilitary Force (CRPF) in gauging the Naxalite threat and of the government in reacting to the gravity of the situation. Even before the incident on April 6, 2010, there were signs of trouble for the security forces.

On March 10, the rebels had shot at the personnel of 62 Battalion barely 300m from the site of the ambush, injuring one CRPF jawan. On April 1, Nalin Prabhat, deputy inspector general, operations, CRPF, suggested launching an ‘area domination’ exercise where the troops were to remain out for 72 hours to sanitise the area near the camps.

CRPF’s leadership made a deputy commandant (DC), totally unfamiliar with the area, lead the operation. The report notes that the DC had been sent to the area for supervising a change of companies. “Sending an officer without knowledge of the terrain was the initial mistake. Any patrol of the coy should have been led by the officer in charge of the coy (company) located there,” the report states. As per the plan, the operation had to cover an area of 5-7 km around the camp. It was to be launched from the Chintalnar camp of the CRPF at 1900 hours on April 4 and the personnel were to return to the base on the morning of April 7. However, the troops did not follow the plan. They not only started late, but also moved in a single file and did not stick to the destinations that they were to cover.

The entire party camped at 12.30 am at Mukhram village where they cooked khichdi with the help of locals who provided them firewood, utensils and water. Rammohan’s report says: “It is possible that their (troops) plan to go to Tadmetla could have been described by someone (from the force) in front of the villagers.”

On April 6 morning, the CRPF men moved towards Tadmetla, only to walk into a fool-proof trap laid by the rebels. Firing started at 5.45 am and by the time the rescue party reached the ambush site at 9.30 am, all 76 personnel, including 75 CRPF men and one policeman, were dead.

The report lashes out at the casual manner in which the state government and the CRPF leadership treated the men on ground. From poor living conditions for troops to lack of inspections, senior leaders not participating in operations and making short visits to far-off camps in helicopters, all issues have been highlighted in the report. Rammohan, in fact, called for a comprehensive change of approach and Standard Operating Procedure to salvage the situation. He also added: “I did not find any lack of training in the field but there is a lack of leadership.”


UAVs for Anti-Naxal Ops: Agencies can’t coordinate so will duplicate

Troops fighting Naxal violence continue to be denied the technological edge already paid for by the govt. On the other hand, an ‘upset’ Home Ministry will duplicate assets and splurge thousands of crores because the spy agency NTRO rides roughshod with them

NTRO operates the Heron, a High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE) UAV from its base out of the Begumpet airport, Hyderabad. Photo credit: Image credit: SSGT REYNALDO RAMON, USAF
NTRO operates the Heron, a High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE) UAV from its base out of the Begumpet airport, Hyderabad. Photo credit: Image credit: SSGT REYNALDO RAMON, USAF

Sitting 50 yards away from the site of the deadly encounter which claimed the lives of nine of his ‘boys’ in Latehar, Jharkhand, in the first week of January, a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) officer said, “But for a UAV, the tables would have turned. We would have spotted their ambush and planned accordingly.” This commander’s suffering is neither new nor unattended to. Yet it is unlikely to be adequately addressed anytime soon.

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and the National Technological Research Organisation (NTRO), which operates the UAVs across central India for electronic intelligence, are unable to match steps. So much so that the Home Secretary RK Singh now wants CRPF to ‘reduce its dependence on NTRO/Indian Air Force’ by raising an entirely new fleet of UAVs – a complex, costly & time-consuming task.

Why the UAVs are so important

Flown and controlled from Hyderabad’s Begumpet airport, NTRO’s UAV (Israeli-made HERON) relays live images of the situation back to the control room with the help of a high-resolution camera on its belly and satellite networking, which is then shared with the troops.

For the CRPF, the entry of UAVs changed the game. Not only could the forces know the exact area of the Maoists’presence, but could also asses the topography and execute an operation – an edge they NEVER had. Seeing the utility of UAVs the CRPF is now working on establishing an Air Surveillance Unit (ASU) to ‘continuously monitor’ the movements of the insurgents. This even as there is growing clamour from within to fly more number of these assets from larger number of bases for all round coverage.

The then Director General of the CRPF, K Vijay Kumar wrote to the Union Home Secretary RK Singh in December 2011, commending the UAV’s role in the first-ever UAV-aided operation in Chattisgarh, but also warning, “The UAV almost took three hours to reach from Hyderabad and could effectively be utilised only for 3-3 1/2 hours for the area of operation.” He advised Singh to take up the issue and make NTRO shift to bases closeby.

Why the game-changer lost steam

Notwithstanding the initial success, issues have remained particularly in terms of the manpower the NTRO provided for UAV operations and unpreparedness to shift out of Hyderabad.

On November 17, 2011, the Chairman, NTRO informed the then Home Minister P Chidambaram of ‘certain logistical problems’ in shifting out of Begumpet. Not to give up, in December, Chidambaram wrote to the National Security Advisor, Shivshankar Menon to whom the NTRO reports. Terming the operations from Begumpet as ‘extremely limited and skewed’, Chidambaram stated that the ‘deficient crew inhibited operational efficiency’.  This author in fact learned that of the 110 requests placed by the CRPF for UAVs to fly in 2012, the NTRO flew them only on 26 occasions.

A senior CRPF officer narrated, “In February 2012, we were told that two additional bases were being expeditiously created for UAV operations.” That there was no change was evident when an exasperated Chidambaram warned the NTRO in a meeting on April 20, 2012 to shift out of Begumpet ‘within two months’. “Yet even today, they continue to operate only from there,” said a source. Out of the total nine states affected by the Maoist insurgency, Begumpet base barely ensures a coverage of only Odisha, Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh leaving out Maharashtra, West Bengal, Bihar and Jharkhand.

The road ahead
The CRPF has made it clear that UAVs will have to continue flying, with or without the NTRO. The MHA has given the go ahead to the CRPF to acquire ten mini-UAVs and also firm up their Qualitative Requirements (QRs) for regular UAVs like Heron. All of this may mean incurring more than Rs 1000 crore, besides duplication.

NTRO’s defence
A senior officer from the NTRO informed that work is already in progress and within a couple of months they will begin operations from an additional base in Chattisgarh. “Our UAVs are biggest-ones available, the High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE). Thus it is not very easy to simply shift them and start operating. A lot of related infrastructure which includes an Air Traffic Controller (ATC) and specialization goes in. It takes time,” he said. It was not clear if with an additional base, the NTRO was also deploying an additional ground station.

It is learnt that the entire UAV operations of the NTRO are controlled by an Air Vice Marshal (AVM) from the Indian Air Force (IAF), who is on deputation with his office in New Delhi. Further, the entire staff he has is also from the Air Force. An IAF spokesperson confirmed this by adding that the Air Force staff reports to the Chairman NTRO and not the Air Chief, which according to informed sources made things complicated. “Why do you think the army was forced into acquiring their aviation wing and now attack helicopters? We face similar problems with them. No effort is made to understand the ground situation. All they do is operate as per the book,” said a MHA official.

The spy agency, a creation of the post-Kargil K Subrahmanyam committee, has no independent cadre like the Research and Analysis Wing (R & AW) does. It is thus staffed by men on deputation.


VIEW my report on subject, which was aired on HEADLINES TODAY on March 5, 2012: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/video/anti-naxal-operations-drones-uavs-union-government-crpf-ntro/1/252697.html

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